Monday, December 18, 2017

Brussel(s) Sprouts

YouGov has come out with a perplexing, Christmas themed1, survey. "Sorry Britain," they say, "but you've been saying 'Brussels sprouts' wrong." Apparently 77% of respondents think the little green cabbage looking vegetables are called "Brussel sprouts." But as they point out, these vegetables get their name from the capital of Belgium, Brussels, and are original called "Brussels sprouts."


Ok, there's a lot going on here. First of all, what does it mean for 77% of the speakers of a language to "get it wrong"? If not only most, but the vast majority of people in the UK think these vegetables are "Brussel Sprouts", then what other basis is there for determining whether or not that is correct? Of course, we could turn to etymology, but that kind of approach to determining "correct" language is going to produce really weird results. Imagine this takepiece, if you will:
When you got dressed this morning, did you put a shirt on the top half of your body and skirt on the bottom half? If you agree with 100% of English speakers that these are two different words for pieces of clothing, you're not alone, but you're all WRONG! "Skirt" and "shirt" both come from the Old Norse skyrta! Why did people start ruining the language and mispronouncing skyrta to mean different garments? The Oxford English Dictionary says this an "unexplained difference of sense," probably because when you say "shirt" and "skirt" differently you stop making sense!
Pretty nonsensical, right? What's more, a shift from "Brussels sprouts" to "Brussel sprouts" is a very natural kind re-cutting of word boundaries that has happened many times in English. Oxford dictionaries has a nifty blog post about some of these cases involving "an." For example, when you set out to make your next big meal (maybe even a big Christmas dinner), you might tie on your kitchen apron. But the word used to be "napron". Getting from "napron" to "apron" wasn't just a case of people forgetting to put the /n/ at the beginning. Unlike with writing, when you speak, there's no spaces between your words. If you said:
I put on a napron.

It would come out of your mouth something like
I put on [əneiprən].
And then, a listener would have to figure out where the boundaries between the words are. But there's a two different options that could both work.


If you go with the first option, you decide that what what has been said is "a napron". But if you go with the second option, you decide what has been said is "an apron". At some point over the course of English, enough people went with the second option and the word became "apron." Are we all doing it wrong?

But the weirdest thing to me about YouGov's tweet was that they say we've been saying Brussel(s) sprouts wrong. First off, they only surveyed people about how they spell the vegetable, not how they say it. And second, if one person was saying "Brussels sprouts" and another was saying "Brussel sprouts," how would you even tell the difference?

I actually recorded myself saying "Brussel sprouts" twice and "Brussels sprouts" twice. Do you see a glaring difference in the offending [s]?

Ok, one of the "Brussels sprouts" [s] is about 60 milliseconds longer than the rest, but the point is that people don't speak letters out loud. We regulate our breathing and move our tongues around in a way that bears no resemblance to an "s", or "s s" as it's written or typed on a page. Asking people how they spell these words doesn't really tell you about how they pronounce them, and even if someone intended to say "Brussels sprouts," it would probably be indistinct from "Brussel sprouts" anyway.

Anyway, in closing, roast your Brussels sprouts, don't boil them. They're better that way.



1 That is, Christmas themed in the UK, where Brussel(s) Sprouts are part of the traditional Christmas meal.

Saturday, February 11, 2017

A Scottish Narrative of Personal Experience

In a web extra from Samantha Bee's show, we get an extended interview with the farmer Michael Forbes telling a story about how he chased Donald Trump Jr. away from his Aberdeenshire farm. It was actually an excellent example of a narrative of personal experience, very similar to the paradigmatic type I was taught about in my sociolinguistics classes.

It's been a long time since I've tried any kind of narrative analysis, so apologies for any errors, but I'm going to give it a shot here cause I think it's such a good example, and indicative of how rich even simple narratives like this can be.

Check out the video, it's worth it.


Here's a transcript of the narrative, with the contributions of the interviewer simplified a bit:

a. I chased his son once from here.
b. (Which one?) The one who's got the greasy hair.
c. (Which one?) Young Donald is it?
d. I was having a cup of tea.
e. And they knock knock knock on the door.
f. And eh, my mother answered it.
g. And she says "We've got visitors".
h. And she shut the door
i. So they tapped a bit louder, you know?
j. And, mother answered it again.
k. She says "I told you, we've got visitors"
l. Shut the door again.
m. Rattled louder.
n. Well, I answered it the next time.
o. I says "Get the fuck out of here"
p. I says "If you come back here again"
q. I says "I'll have you charged with harrassment"
r. "Don't get angry mate, don't get a--"
s. I says "Fucking angry"
t. I says "I'll show you fucking angry"
u. And they go out the gate.
v. (You loved it) Yeah I did, Yeah
This satisfies the Labov & Waletzky definition of a narrative in that the sequence of clauses is the same as the temporal sequence of events, except for line (a). Lines (a-c) would be called the "Abstract", outlining the most reportable event of the narrative. After we have the abstract, we have the orientation in (d) I was having a cup of tea. Then it is just complicating action after complicating action until the resolution in (u) And they go out the gate.

One interesting thing about this narrative is it is devoid of any evaluation. All of the turns are devoted to what events happened, and what was said, but there is no turn contributing what his state of mind was, or any other kind of evaluation of the situation. You could imagine the addition of a "It was rude to keep knocking" turn, for example, but that is absent. I was told once that avoiding evaluation makes for a better narrative for the listener, and is more typical of working class narratives. The interviewer, Amy Hoggart, tries to extract an iota of evaluation out of him (You loved it), but he doesn't repeat the evaluation, he just agrees with it (Yeah I did, yeah).

The repetition of the knocking and answering events is really interesting as well. They serve the obvious narrative function of heightening the tension, to good effect as we can see on the face of Amy Hoggart at turn (n) when Michael finally answers the door. I would hazard a guess that if Donald Trump Jr. knocked on the door twice, or four times, this story would (and should) still be told with three knocks. It's also interesting that in the first two knocking-answering events, DTJr and his entourage don't actually say anything. They knock, they are rebuffed, and the door is closed. There's no other exchange of words.

There's also a complex piece of cultural information being conveyed here, regarding when it is appropriate to call on someone. Michael's mother indirectly tells DTJr to go away twice by saying We've got visitors. No visitors were mentioned in the orientation of the narrative, so I'm assuming that there were no actual visitors in the house. The fact that you should not call on someone when they have visitors is presented as so obvious that it is a de facto instruction to leave within the narrative, and in the telling of the narrative it goes unexplained.

Finally, his verbs of quotation are awesome. He exclusively uses say in the historical present, and it seems like he is only reporting on speech which was said. D'Arcy (2012) has argued that the new verbs of quotation, like "be like" have been buoyed up by an increasing tendency to include quoted thought and mimesis in narratives. Mimesis isn't absent from Michael's telling of the story, but it is absent from the text. He physically acts out each knocking and each door shutting event, and he acts out chasing them out the front gate.

All in all, a pretty good narrative.

Monday, October 10, 2016

Tina Fey Nailed The Philly Accent

Saturday night, Tina Fey and Jimmy Fallon appeared on Weekend Update as "White Women from Suburban Philadelphia." Apparently suburban white women are the "the swing vote within the swing vote" which was the premise for having them on the show. It seemed like it was also at least partially to make fun of Jimmy Fallon's softball treatment of Trump.

I'm blogging about the sketch in appreciation of Tina Fey's performance of the Philadelphia Accent. First off, you should watch the sketch:

Over at AV Club, they criticized both Fey and Fallon for their accents:
Despite how the two pronounced “hoagies,” the performances (and accents) were all over the place, with Fey not bothering to do hers once she launched a Fey-esque attack on Mike Pence’s anti-gay, anti-woman agenda.
The sketch might not have been funny, and Fallon clearly didn't know what he was doing, but Tina Fey was on point, in my professional opinion. It's not surprising Fey should be able to perform the accent since she's originally from Upper Darby, which is right next to Clifton Heights in Delaware County. That corner of DelCo actually has an interesting place in the study of the Philadelphia Dialect. R. Whitney Tucker wrote one of the earlier descriptions of the dialect in 1942 while he was at Pennsylvania Military College, now called Widener University. At the time, he said
I think that the real heart and centre of this [Philadelpia] dialect was originally, and still is, a few miles to the south, in the eastern part of Delaware County.
So how did Fey (and Fallon) deal with the accent? I previously blogged about Chris Matthew's native performance of the dialect by running through a list of the dialect features, but this time I ran the sketch through the FAVE-suite! So up ahead is a detailed phonetic analysis of Fey's performance.



Overall Vowels

First up, here's Fey's over-all vowel system. I look at plots like these all the time, so this is inherently meaningful to me, but I'll try to break it down a bit.

There's  a few top-line things I see here. First off, she's moved her /ahr/ vowel (as in start and far) way up to be right next to her /ɔ/ (you can hear it when she says "in charge"). That is exactly correct, but her /owr/ could be higher, since pore, poor, pour are all merged in Philly, and is usually the highest backest vowel in the system.



She's also got a nice separation of /ay/ (as in ride) from /ay0/ (as in write) in a Canadian Raising pattern (you can hear it when she says mice). This is one of the more established features of the Philly accent now. There's also an /ey/ (as in face) and /eyF/ (as in gay) separation. This is less commonly discussed, but before consonants, eight is pretty similar to eat in Philly, while word finally (like gay) it's much lower, almost southern sounding. But, when I look at Fey's /ey/, /eyF/ difference in detail, it's not especially consistent.




One thing that looks like she's overly doing it is /uw/ fronting (as in scooter). She has it as far front as her /Tuw/ (as in do). Philadelphia is known for its /uw/ fronting, but usually it is much fronter following coronals than it is elsewhere, so I would expect to see /uw/ further back here.




She's also got some kind of /ɛ/ /æ/ merger that I can't account for. That's not a Philly thing that I know of. One last thing that caught my ear is some kind of consistent /ʌ/ backing (as in Trump). That isn't usually described as a feature or ongoing change of the dialect, but it sounds authentic to my ears.




Vowels in Detail

But let's get into more of the guts of the system. In the over-all vowel plot, there's a really good split between the tense and lax short-a (/æh/ and /æ/ respectively). But the Philadelphia split-æ system is complicated, but partially overlapping with related systems. So how'd she do in detail?

Based on limited data, I'd say she more or less nailed it. Her /æ/ before /s/ in jackass is tenser than the  one before /k/ (although, a friend on facebook said they didn't think it sounded authentic). Her /æ/ in grandpa is a bit lax, but I think that's forgivable given the preceding consonant-liquid cluster. Most impressively, she's got a properly lax [æ] in her two repetitions of Indiana, and in banging. I would expect those to be the most likely to be messed up by someone trying to do an impersonation.

Incidentally, I think it could be the fact that she correctly had lax [æ] in Indiana that the AV Club thought she stopped doing the accent, since most American accents would have tensing there.

Honestly, this distribution of data makes me think that she's just got the split system natively. I haven't tried to compare this performance to something less affected, so I can't tell if she just always does this.

I also looked at her vowel dynamics a bit.


A few things jump out. First, I think she did a really good job on the phonetic quality of /aw/ (as in clown). I've found that it's basically a falling diphthong, and the most advanced tokens have a later F1 maximum, which she pretty much nails here. She also has a clear Canadian Raising pattern between /ay/ and /ay0/, with maybe some monophthongization of the pre-voiced tokens that's producing a strange trajectory. It's also possible that she's doing the /ey/, /eyF/ split in the formant dynamics, but I wouldn't put too much stock in that.

Here's what her /ɛ/ /æ/ and /æh/ vowel dynamics are like:

Clearly very good dynamic differences between /æ/ and /æh/. I included /ɛ/ here (labelled "e" in the plot) just to get another look at that weird /æ/~/ɛ/ merger. It seems to be there more or less in the dynamics as well. I really don't know what's happening there.


Consonants

I also did some quick and dirty coding of Fey's consonants. One of the things I noticed is that Fey was doing quite a bit of (dh) stopping (a dental stop in words like the and this). When I tallied it up, it looked like it was actually about 20% of her tokens, which is a bit low for Philadelphia.

stop deleted fricative
count 4 4 13
proportion 0.19 0.19 0.62

She also had only one /str/ sequence, but she backed it to a very clear [ʃtr] in street.

I haven't tried to touch her /l/ vocalization or darkening at all, cause I think I have a tough time with that perceptually, and I don't have a fancy script for analyzing it like I do for vowels.


Fallon

Meanwhile there's Jimmy Fallon. I'm not going to go into detail with him, cause as he said in the sketch, his accent was all messed up. Here's his overall vowels, and his dynamics.

Yeah, so it looks like he's just vacating his back vowel space, and also monopthongizing a lot of things? Basically, this isn't anything.


Conclusion

In conclusion, Tina Fey nailed it, and Fallon didn't know if he was coming or going. 

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